Sunday, 1 September 2024

The NPP Campaign: From Snake Oil to “Extra Virgin Olive Oil” – The Evolution of Political Promises

When it comes to politics, especially in a vibrant democracy like Ghana’s, election campaigns often become a battlefield of promises, with parties vying to win the hearts (and votes) of the populace. The New Patriotic Party (NPP), one of the dominant political forces in Ghana, is no stranger to this game. However, as the 2024 election looms closer, the NPP's messaging seems to have taken a turn that can only be described as a masterclass in political “rebranding.” Imagine this: You've been following a charismatic salesman (or party, in this case) who, in 2016, handed you a bottle labeled “Snake Oil” with a promise that it would cure all your ailments—from the economy to unemployment. Fast forward to 2020, the same salesman returned with a slightly tweaked formula—still snake oil but now with added “extra special” ingredients to address any side effects you might have noticed. Now, in 2024, this scenario takes a twist so bizarre it could be the plot of a Ghanaian telenovela. The NPP campaign rolls up with a new product: “Extra Virgin Olive Oil”—not just any olive oil, but one extracted from the very same snake oil you were sold in previous elections. They now claim this refined oil cures all ailments, even those caused by the original snake oil! And, as if that’s not mind-boggling enough, they confidently declare that you have to buy it—because, after all, they are the only ones who sell original products. The humor in this situation might be lost on those who have faced the consequences of unfulfilled promises and economic policies that seemed more like snake oil than actual solutions. But let’s break it down a bit: 1. The Snake Oil of 2016 Back in 2016, the NPP came with a wave of change and hope. They promised a “One District, One Factory” initiative, free Senior High School education, and a revitalized economy that would be the envy of the continent. Many Ghanaians were sold on this dream, eagerly buying into the vision of a new dawn. The snake oil was sold in bulk—after all, who wouldn’t want a miracle cure for all that ailed the nation? 2. The Upgraded Snake Oil of 2020 By 2020, it was clear that the snake oil had its limitations. The factory count wasn’t as high as expected, the economy was taking hits from multiple fronts, and there were growing pains with the implementation of the free SHS policy. But the NPP wasn’t backing down. They upgraded the snake oil—perhaps added some herbal extracts—and told Ghanaians that with a little more time and patience, all would be well. 3. The Extra Virgin Olive Oil of 2024 Now, in 2024, the NPP seems to be taking a different approach. They’ve realized that perhaps it’s time to move away from the snake oil, at least in name. So, they’ve introduced “Extra Virgin Olive Oil,” a product that promises to be the cure-all that the snake oil wasn’t. But here’s the kicker: this olive oil is supposedly derived from the snake oil itself! 4. The Only Game in Town? The NPP’s latest campaign rhetoric also seems to carry a subtle (or not-so-subtle) implication that they are the only ones who can sell “original products.” This could be seen as a clever marketing strategy—rebrand the old, slap on a new label, and convince the voters that the competition is selling cheap imitations. Conclusion In the end, the NPP’s 2024 campaign is shaping up to be an interesting blend of continuity and change—a rebranded promise that attempts to acknowledge past failures while selling a new vision. Whether Ghanaians will buy this “extra virgin olive oil” or not remains to be seen, but one thing is clear: in politics, perception is reality, and the NPP is banking on the fact that their new and improved product will be seen as the only choice worth considering. So, as we approach the election season, it might be wise to keep an eye out for the fine print on those bottles of olive oil. After all, even extra virgin olive oil can be a bit slippery! Let’s see if the NPP’s rebranding strategy works, or if Ghanaians will finally call out the snake oil for what it really is.

Sunday, 26 November 2023

Ken Agyepong the “frankenstein Monster” - Backfired strategy and DMB’s Dilemm

Ken Agyepong the “frankenstein Monster” - Backfired strategy and DMB’s Dilemma Dr Alhaji Mahmoudu Bawumia emerged the victor in the battle for the NPPs flag after a much heated campaign characterized by bickering, betrayals and strategic maneuverings. Affer “bombing a lot of bridges” the campaign team needs to rebuild a lot of bridges. But it is not in the interest of some “constituencies” that their bridges are rebuilt. One of such constituencies is Hon Ken Agyepong and his campaign team” I will tell you why in a few paragraphs. Ken Agyepong, the 'Frankenstein Monster' in the NPP's political drama, resembles Mary Shelley's creation—a tale of ambition gone awry. Agyepong, initially favored by Kuffour, turned the tables and used his gains to back Nana Akuffo Addo, only to later pivot for his own presidential dreams. “Frankenstein," written by Mary Shelley, tells the haunting tale of Victor Frankenstein, a brilliant but misguided scientist, who, driven by an insatiable thirst for knowledge, creates a monstrous being from reanimated dead tissue. This creature, abandoned by its creator, grapples with its own existence and the rejection it faces from society. As the story unfolds, the monster seeks companionship and understanding, only to be met with fear and hostility. The novel explores themes of ambition, the consequences of playing god, and the complexities of human nature. Similar to Frankenstein, Former president Kuffour awarded a lot of juicy contracts to hon. Ken Agyepong in the hope that he will support the Hon Alan Kyeremateng campaign. In the mind of the former president, Hon Ken Agyepong was safe to invest in because his level of education is not that high and he (Ken) did not have presidential ambition. (K4 Supported Alan because it was a gentleman's agreement between the two brokered by elders in Asanteman in 1998 for Alan to allow K4 to unseat Adu Boahene as the NPP’ candidate) Hon Ken Agyepong quickly turned his back on former president Kuffour and used the resources he had gained to finance the then presidential candidate Nana Akuffo Addo. Fast forward, Akuffo became the president, he again awarded a lot of juicy contracts to Ken Agyepong for his loyalty. Again believing that Ken will support and finance is chosen successor because up until then, Ken had not demonstrated any presidential ambition and did not even possess presidential qualities and was not making any efforts in that regard. After Nana Akuffo Addo had settled on Dr Bawumia as his chosen successor, the biggest competitor was Alan Kyeremateng the the trade minister. Realizing that Alan was very strong in the Ashanti region, part of the strategy was to file many candidates who could steal some votes from Alan’s Constituencies. Two such candidates were Atopa Akoto (Hon Dr Afriyie Akoto) the Agric Minister and Hon Kenn Agyepong. The strategy worked to perfection as Alan withdrew from the race and later from the NPP altogether after just the super delegates congress where he was given a humiliating defeat. However that same strategy also allowed Ken Agyepong to see a huge opportunity of becoming the president himself and he decided to exploit it. He then capitalized on the frustrated and dejected supporters of Alan Kyeremateng who also came through for him during the national delegates congress placing him as the first runner up. This is where it gets more intriguing, the NPP settled on Dr Bawumai for two main reasons, the first is that he is a northerner and the party has never had a northern leader leading them to a national election. even though this is the second time someone from the north has been the vice president through the party. Had DMB lost these primaries, it would have fed into the narrative that the NPP only uses northers and dropped them. Secondly the NPP know that based on their poor performance with the economy, there is a high probability of losing the 2024 election so they need a younger candidate who would still be around and still be popular when President John Mahama finished his last remaining 4 year term. This to me is the “breaking the eight” they have been talking about. Now the risk to the NPP’s strategy is that Dr Bawumia will need all the NPP support and more to win in 2024, including Alan and Ken Agyepong’s support. Now Alan is already out of the equation his support is gone Ken Agyepong’s support is also gone. and this is my reason for saying so. Dr. Bawumia emerges as the chosen one, the NPP faces a dilemma. Agyepong, having tasted the allure of presidential ambition, isn't eager to endorse Bawumia and shelve his dreams until his seventies. It's like asking him to RSVP to a political retirement party. . Secondly, all previous NPP governments had given him enough resources for him to be able to execute a proper campaign in 2028 with more forward planning. which means that it is in Ken’s supreme interest that Dr Bawumia loses the 2024 elections. The playing field will be more level for each presidential hopeful in 2024 than it is now if the party goes into opposition. Again in 2014, Bawumia will not have an incumbent president to back him and more likely not have the level of resources he currently has to execute a more flamboyant campaign. In this high-stakes chess game, Bawumia needs the support of Agyepong, who's already eyeing the vulnerabilities in 2027/28. Picture Ken, rubbing his hands together, envisioning a less resourceful Bawumia post-2024 defeat, a tantalizing prospect for his own future campaign. The irony? The very man Bawumia counts on for support might be secretly plotting otherwise. As the political chessboard unfolds, we're left wondering: who's the true beneficiary of the NPP's strategic moves? The suspense builds as we eagerly await the next move in this political chess match!"

Thursday, 28 September 2023

Alan Kyeremanteng's Leap into the Abyss: Maverick or Misfit?

Alan Kyeremanteng's Leap into the Abyss: Maverick or Misfit? In the grand theater of Ghanaian politics, a sudden twist has left many spectators scratching their heads in disbelief. The man of the hour, Honorable Alan Kyeremanteng, recently took a leap of faith – or should we say, a leap of independence – by resigning from the NPP and announcing his bid as an independent presidential candidate. It's a move that has stirred the political pot, and it's as surprising as discovering a pineapple on your pizza: unexpected and a tad perplexing. But before we dive into the depths of this intriguing maneuver, let's pay our respects to the man himself. Alan Kyeremanteng's loyalty to the NPP is the stuff of legends. He's been like the party's favorite pair of slippers – dependable, well-worn, and never straying too far. Unlike some politicians who've had more party memberships than shoes, Kyeremanteng's political life has been as straightforward as a ruler's edge. Remember, even before some folks knew him as the former trade minister in 2007, his presidential ambitions started germinating back in 1993. He was all set to throw his hat into the NPP's presidential primaries ring, but tribal chiefs and elders played the role of the 'Ambition Deflator' and convinced him to step aside for John Agyekum Kuffour. That's the kind of guy he's been – a team player, always ready to pass the ball when the coach says so. But fast forward to today, and it seems like he's decided it's time to snatch the ball and run with it. After patiently waiting in the political dugout while Kuffour and Akufo Addo took their turns, he's been hit with the news that Dr. Bawumia is the chosen one. Suddenly, it's like someone yelled "musical chairs," and the music stopped with Kyeremanteng standing. Now, the man who's been as loyal to the NPP as a dog to its master finds himself without a party. So, here's the million-dollar question: Why would a dyed-in-the-wool NPP stalwart suddenly make this dramatic political U-turn? Sure, he's given his reasons, but we all know that politics is never just a straight line. It's a classic case of 'David vs. Goliath' as Kyeremanteng realized he was more like David, armed with a slingshot, while Dr. Bawumia seemed like a political Goliath with all the resources and momentum. It's like trying to race a Ferrari on a tricycle. The Kyeremanteng campaign seemed to have more leaks than a leaky boat. He couldn't replicate the buzz and support he had in 2007, probably because his campaign found itself low on gas money, charisma, and young, energetic cheerleaders. As for those charismatic supporters who used to rally behind him, they either jumped ship for a better offer or retired to enjoy a well-deserved political siesta. In his final campaign, Kyeremanteng was left with the political equivalent of leftovers - a rather unappetizing prospect in a race of this magnitude. It's like showing up at a banquet with last night's reheated leftovers; you're in for an embarrassing defeat. But what really raises eyebrows is why he'd choose this moment to go solo. Kyeremanteng hasn't been financing his campaigns with Monopoly money. He had some generous backers who poured cash into his political dreams. If he doesn't become president, they're the ones left with empty pockets. Now, here's where it gets even more interesting. Rumor has it that a small group of Akyem folks, led by President Akufo Addo, have taken over the NPP. Other party strongholds are feeling a little left out and want their turn in the political limelight. But how do you wrestle control of the party when it's in power? Simple, bring it into opposition. This strategic move might just be Kyeremanteng's way of saying, "I'm going to be the chaos in the NPP's cozy tea party." In opposition, other power players from various strongholds might have a better shot at seizing control. And remember, when a party is in opposition, anything can happen. Even your neighbor's pet parrot might consider running for president. So, is Kyeremanteng's move a brilliant strategy or a political kamikaze mission? Only time will tell. But for now, it's the talk of the town, and it's as perplexing as a cat trying to understand quantum physics. Watch this space; Ghana's political theater just got a lot more interesting.

Thursday, 17 August 2023

Why ECOWAS is just blowing hot air but will not enter Niger

Unveiling Geopolitical Chess: Allies and Intrigue Amidst Niger's Crisis In the aftermath of the recent coup in Niger, a complex geopolitical drama unfolds as alliances and interests collide. Following the seizure of President Mohamed Bazoum, General Abdourahamane Tchiani of the presidential guard declares himself the leader of a military junta and head of state. As tension escalates, the ECOWAS coalition threatens military intervention if democratic governance isn't restored. However, the junta's unexpected backing from neighboring nations has shifted the power dynamics dramatically. France and ECOWAS now loom on Niger's horizon, issuing a stern ultimatum to the junta: release the ousted president or face invasion. Yet, uncertainty hovers over the military capabilities of Niger's forces in countering ECOWAS and its allies, prompting many to scrutinize the strength of support from neighboring countries. In this blog, I will spotlight five nations willing to back Niger in its crisis, each with their unique motivations and odds of success. Number 5: Guinea Niger finds an ally in Guinea, where the National Committee for Rally and Development (CNRD), which overthrew President Alpha Conde in 2021, endorses the new leadership. Guinea anticipates that Niger's junta will work diligently for stability and unity in the nation and the broader sub-region. This camaraderie underscores a shared experience of coup-led governance and the conviction in fostering peace. Number 4: Algeria Algeria, a surprise entrant into the coalition, pledges military support to safeguard Niger from France and ECOWAS. Rooted in the belief that the crisis should be internally resolved, Algeria fears a Libya-like scenario if external forces intervene. Algeria's own struggles against French control of its resources possibly underscore its solidarity with Niger's cause. Number 3: Russia Amid rising anti-French sentiments, Russia emerges as a player, potentially aligning with Niger. Despite controversies surrounding Putin, Russia's potent military force could be utilized to bolster Niger's junta and resist external intervention. The presence of the Wagner Group, a Russian mercenary entity, in the region further solidifies this alignment. Number 2: Mali Mali, scarred by French exploitation, stands united with Niger against external pressures. Mali's gold resources, the 15th largest globally, and shared disdain for France drive their alignment. Similar to Niger, Mali has also witnessed coups against perceived French-backed regimes, reflecting a common sentiment of addressing economic woes through change in leadership. Number 1: Burkina Faso Burkina Faso's support for Niger's coup echoes its recent history. President Ibrahim Traoré's overthrow of the previous government marked his emergence as the youngest African president. Traoré's defiance against perceived French influence resonates with Niger's stance, driven by a conviction that Africa must secure better trade agreements and resist impoverishment through resource exploitation. As the chessboard of alliances shifts, the fate of Niger hangs in the balance. These nations, united by shared experiences and grievances, navigate a tumultuous landscape where traditional power dynamics are tested. The outcome remains uncertain, but their collective resolve challenges the status quo and demands a reconsideration of Africa's future trajectory.

Saturday, 15 May 2021

And Otumfour Laughed in Public

The arrest and torture of a citi TV and citi fm journalists Caleb Kudah, the suspension of Captain Smart of Angel Broadcasting Network and The overlord of Asanti kingdoms laughing in public might appear unrelated. But there is a covalent bond holding all these and many others together and it is called the NPP government. Caleb was arrested because he wanted to cover a story that is inimical to the image of the government. Captain smart was suspended because some elements within the government had threatened the management of the network that he made statements that puts the government in public ridicule. So he should be taken off air. Otumfour laughed in public because some young over zealous minister thought he could dictate to him what he should say in public. (Otumfour rarely laugh in public, so he probably did it to let them know how funny their attempts to gage him is) This attempt at gaging no less a person than the Otumfour speaks volumes about how far this governing NPP would go to ensure that absolutely no one in this country makes any derogatory remarks about the sleazy manner the country is being run. Otumfour's public outburst explains all there is to understand the new culture of silence that many have had a reason to complain about recently, notable among them Sir Sam Jonah. If a young minister could muster the audacity to approach the Otumfour to instruct him on what to do, one can imagine what the government machinery can do to those who have no such power as the Otumfour. Many of the the loud voices we heard yesterday are probably silent because they have either been bribed or threatened to shut up, and probably both. This is the sad reality of the country we have built. The overt display of brut force and blatantly chicanery has made complete nonsense of the democracy we were proud of just a few years ago. State institutions have been hijacked, private institutions have been usurped and private people commandeered all to serve the demagogue and his cabal of few tribes men. This is a government that solves every problem of the country through the communication channel. How then can they tolerate any opinion that might not be in sync with their propaganda? "Once a political system has been corrupted right from the very top leaders to the lowest rungs of the bureaucracy, the problem is very complicated. The cleansing and disinfecting has to start from top and go downwards in a thorough and systematic way. It is a long and laborious process that can be carried out only by a very strong group of leaders with the strength and moral authority derived from unquestioned integrity.” Le Kuan Yew. That integrity is exactly what the government of his excellency Nana Akuffo Addo has done everything to divorce itself from. You can not insist on doing the right thing with out having to look over your shoulders. "when did the rain begun to beat us?" Prof Naana Jane Opoku Agyemang.

Monday, 21 September 2020

Voting NPP in 2020 is treason

In just a little over two months Ghanaians are heading to the pools to elect who will manage our collective destinies and deliver us from the shackles of poverty and under development that has ensnared us. The two leading contenders and their parties have already launched their manifestos with very catchy phrases like "4 more for Nana to do more from the NPP" and the NDC's "J&J rescue mission". Fortunately for Ghanaians the two leading contenders have had an opportunity to manage this country before, so for their promises should count for less. A comparison of their deeds while in office should be a better judge than mere campaign slogans. The size of Ghana's economy was 41.6Bn dollars in 2012, under the presidency of JD Mahama 2012 to 2016, it grew to 54.5bn dollars, a nominal increase of some 13bn dollars. This figure is projected to get to 66bn dollars by the end of 2020, a nominal increase of some 11bn dollars. Clearly the change we voted for in 2016 has been to our detriment. The 13bn will generate more jobs for the youth than the 11bn. Ghana's debt at the end of 2012 stood at 26bn dollars, it increased to 70bn by the end or John Mahama's reign 2012 to 2016 an increase of 54bn. This national debt however shot up from 70bn in 2016 to 140bn dollars as at the middle of august 2020 and this does not include the hidden borrowing of 2bn from the syno hydro deal and the year has not ended. A nominal increase of some 70bn dollars. This huge borrowing has been supervised by the very same people who ‘basterdized ‘the Mahama government for its penchant for loans and borrowing. Once in government the NPP government under president Akuffo Addo has changed their disgust for borrowing to what the borrowing was used for. Arguing that borrowing is a good thing if used for investment, to justify why they have borrowed so much. Their argument is that if borrowed funds are invested, it grows the economy creating jobs and more opportunities for government to be able to pay back those debts. Which is very true, investment in infrastructure such as roads enhances efficiency of our productive sectors making them more competitive. This spur their growth and allow them to create more employment opportunities. Now let’s take at look at the capital invest patterns under the rein of these two leaders. In 2013, Ghana's capital investment as a percentage of GDP was 26.5% which increased to 29.5 in 2014 to 30% in 2015 dropping to 27.8 in 2016 and JD Mahama. Under president Akuffo Addo Ghana's capital investment dropped to 22.2% in 2017, rose a little to 24.5 in 2018 and peaked at 26.5 in 2019. Under capital investment, John Mahama's worst performance in 2013 equals President Akuffo Addo's Best performance in 2019. The NPP’s own mantra on what the borrowing was used for does not go in their favour. This is where fellow Ghanaians we should be angry with the NPP, if all these borrowing has occurred with even lower capital investment, how badly can an economy be run? Let's put the radar on corruption for a minute, Transparency International corruption perception index scored Ghana at 46%, 48%, 47 and 43 respectively for years 2013.2014,2015 and 2016 under Former President Mahama. Under Akuffo Addo the numbers are 40%, 41% and 41% for 2017, 2018, and 2019 respectively. Here again John Mahama outperforms Akuffo Addo. With all these numbers and facts below, it should be treasonable to vote for the NPP in the 2020 elections. Its more like anything they touch turns south, how can we grow and develop under such a government? Is the NPP asking us for for more years of this abysmal performance? This country indeed needs rescuing, and the NDC’s rescue mission could not be more appropriate.
Yakubu Nyanba

Sunday, 16 August 2020

WHY JM's 10bn INVESTMENT PLAN (THE BIG PUSH) IS THE GAME CHANGER FOR GHANA's DEVELOPMENTAL NARRATIVE The former PRESIDENT John Dramani Mahama has announced in the NDC's 2020 Manifesto that he will deploy 10bn worth of infrastructure to facilitate the country's development and create jobs, these are the reasons I think it's a game changer. The Big Push will provide the needed ground speed needed for Ghana's economy to be airborn. Our high social overhead costs ie low infrastructure makes the cost of doing business ecxessively high in Ghana. This makes Ghanaian industries uncompetitive in the global market square. China discovered this early and invested, that is why they have become the worlds factory. They have the worlds fastest commercial train in the world - the Maglev with a peak speed of 431km/h. This could enable me to move from my birth village Bekwai to the central business district of Kumasi in about 5 minutes, or allow the minority leader to live in Tamale and work in parliament house in Accra. He will make the journey in less than two hours, less time than some people spend commuting from one part of Accra to the other. Our industries are suffering because of the the high cost of doing business in Ghana, mainly due to the the high cost of land, utilities, and sourcing raw materials. 1. Land is not expensive outside Accra but the high cost and inefficient transport system makes it almost impossible to site industries outside Accra without incurring huge losses in terms of sourcing raw materials and sending finished products to the market. 2. The high transportation costs incurred by industries sourcing raw materials from the hinterland are due mainly to poor roads. Some industries find it cheaper buying soya from Brazil than buying them from northern ghana. With good and efficient roads we can reverse that. Not only will industry sources cheap raw materials locally, farmers will also have lucrative market for their produce. That will make our industry more competitive. 3. The construction sector that will be the main recipient of this huge funding will be able to employ many young women and man even before the effects on industry are felt.This also creates purchasing power for other productive sectors. 4. Huge infrastructure programs like these are far superior to subsidizing particularly industries because they reduce the cost for every industry to flourish. Industries are more likely to crumble under rising costs if targeted subsidies are withdrawn. 5. This kind of infrastructure investment level the playing field for all superior business models to flourish. Under 1d1f, the government is basically picking winners and giving them the competitive advantage even if their business model is not superior. There are numerous obstacles militating agains growth and industralization and competiveness of our industries in this country, on top of this list is the low level of social overhead cost or infrastructure consisting of transport, power, communications, and such other public utilities.The Big Push seeks to overcome these militating factors by creating external economies. To explain the emergence of such external economies and their transmission, let us consider two industries Global Haulage (GH) a transport company and Cocoa Processing Company (CPC). If the GH expands because of the reduction in cost because roads are now motorable, it shall derive certain internal economies. This may result in the lowering of the price for the services of GH. Now if CPC uses GH’s services as an input, the benefits of GH’s internal economies shall then be passed on to CPC in the form of pecuniary external economies. Thus, “the profits of CPC created by the lower prices of GH's services call for investment and expansion in CPC, one result of which will be an increase in CPC’s demand for GH’s services. This in turn will give rise to profits and call for further investment and expansion of GH.In all these feedback investments, jobs will be created along each round in addition to increased tax revenue. To provide infrastructures, it is necessary to make ‘lumpy’ investments in them. And their creation is a precondition to the investments in directly productive and other quick-yielding productive activities. Only then the way for a self-generating economy can be paved. Thus the absence of adequate social overhead capital constitutes the most important bottleneck in our development process. Besides these, the infrastruture provided also reduces the social overhead cost for several industries, the synesgistic effect is even higher if the industries are interdependent. The reduced cost will also enable Ghanaian industries to ascend into the arena of global value chains as a result of the enhanced competitiveness. These investments across different channels of growth will enable each channel sustains the growth of others by providing the necessary demand-base. Thus, it leads towards the Balanced Growth. This is a destiny changing policy and I call on all Ghanaians to support and advocate for it.

Monday, 20 May 2019

Truth is Treason in the Empire of Lies : Government of Failed Memories

When is come to flagrant display of legendary incompetence and deceit you can always trust the NPP government under the leadership of the excellent one Nana Addo Dankwah Akuffo Addo to excel. In December 2018 Presidential meeting with the press, Atinka FM journalist asked President Akufo-Addo whether he was aware that the Michigan Aerospace Manufacturers Association (MAMA) had offered to build 10 regional emergency centers with ambulances, and to provide the country with two helicopters for medical supplies together with drones for the supply of vaccines for the Health Ministry. President Akufo-Addo denied knowledge and called the Health Minister, "Hon." Kwaku Agyeman Manu to respond. According to the Minister, “When they (MAMA Delegation) came, they were about seven Ghanaians and one American who was neither the MD for Michigan Aerospace Manufacturers Association (MAMA) Gavin Brown nor Bill Gates” and that "MAMA opted out after he asked them to demonstrate its source of funding for the project". Last Thursday the same health minister was asked again that based on the group photograph of the meeting with the president the American he indicated was not the MD of MAMA Gavin Brown was in fact Gavin Brown, he retorted that he is and old man and does not remember whether it was Gavin Brown or not. Meanwhile the facts of the whole affair is that Dr. Afisah Zachariah, who was Director of Planning, Monitoring, and Evaluation at the Ministry of Health at the time, led a team to Michigan to solicit assistance from MAMA (https://www.crainsdetroit.com/article/20150320/NEWS/150329983/michigan-aerospace-firms-to-manage-medical-supply-delivery-effort-in). Dr. Afisah subsequently did a report on the visit and the "agreement" with MAMA. When the MAMA delegation which included the Executive Director of MAMA Gavin Brown visited Ghana in 2017, they held meetings with the Minister of health (the very same old man who doesn't remember) and latter with the President (who had no knowledge about the deal) and group photographs of the event was taken with the MAMA delegation which was widely published. The drone delivery part of the deal was to be handled by zipline, the very same zipline the Government led by Vice President contracted to carry out a much reduced drone services at US$ 12million per anum. The questions that are begging answers are 1. why would a government that promised to protect the public purse refuse a free offer and turn around and pay US$ 12m for a much reduced version of the same service by the sane contractor? 2. Did the Health Minister really forget about the whole encounter with MAMA? 3 How did the Health Minister introduce Gavin Brown to the President during their meeting? 4. Did the president really forgot about his meeting with MAMA and Gavin Brown? 5. How was the health Minister able to remember the exact number of the delegation and their race? 6. how was the health minister able to remember that the delegation did not include Gavin Brown or Bill Gate after one year, but six months down the line he cannot remember whether Gavin Brown was part of the delegation or not? 7. Based on the fact that Kwaku Agyemang Manu is now old and cant remember much should he continue to be in Office? 8. Is there something they are not telling us? because just like Hon Osafo Marfo said we ( Ghanaians) would not understand? The NPP is demonstrating their lightly veiled contempt for the electorate they depend on. This whole affair is quintessence of how this government is running the affairs of Ghana.

Thursday, 28 February 2019

Ofosu Ampofo and the Cleaners – Training with Live Bullets

It was German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche who in his “twilight of the idols” said that there is no greater error than mistaking the consequences for the cause. It is from this premise that I proceed from the invitation of the chairman of the Opposition NDC by the CID for questioning over a leaked tape in which he allegedly made very disgusting pronouncement. (Small digression, what has the CID done about the leaked tape of their own boss Mrs Addo Dankwah? Did the bible talk about the log in somebody’s eyes?). Back to what I was saying, the content of the tape cannot be divorced from the events of the Ayawaso West Wogon (AWW). The ruling NPP predictably have jumped on the leaked tapes to justify the AWW events and put the blame on the NDC. The content of the leaked tapes if true are very disgusting and very alarming to say the least. But the NDC has quickly issued a press conference casting doubts on the authenticity of the leaked tapes, claiming they were doctored and criminally obtained. Now let us following the NPP side of events following the AWW election, the original story was that national security got intelligence about a cache of arms at the residence of the NDC parliamentary candidate for AWW, so forces were deployed to seize and retrieves same. I have never believed that line because I cannot believe our national security could get such intelligence and fail to retrieve them. Now with the leaked tape the NPP has shifted to the fact that they knew it was Azorka boys in the house of the NDC candidate. For me I don’t believe that story too because if they knew the forces were sent to contain Azorka boys why didn’t they say so and why hasn’t it come up at the hearing of the Emil Short Commission of enquiry? Those calling on Mr Ofosu Ampofo and the NDC to produce the undoctored tape if they claim the tapes have been doctored, I want them to cast their mind back, some few years ago the Senior Minister was heard on tape allegedly making some disgraceful pronouncements, he said the tapes were doctored, when he was asked to produce the undoctored tape, he said “we don’t go round recording our conversations with other people”. I want to know whether we now go round recording everyday conversation with others. Here again the NPP as usual is holding everyone else to the moral standards while they hold themselves to the legal standards. Did Mr Ofosu Ampofo make those statements on the tape? We would never know, but if he did we must all in a chorus condemn him for venturing on the path of such war games. Is it possible Mr Ofosu Ampofo did not make such pronouncements and that the ruling government made the tape up to explain away the events of AWW? That is also very possible judging from the shifting story being told by the NPP about AWW. The truth lies somewhere you and I would never find.

Wednesday, 21 November 2018

A Nation in search of a Cathedral

The eight year rule of the NDC we saw them borrowed a whooping Gh S 79bn. We thought there cannot be bad managers of the economy because the NDC has at its disposal the crude oil from Jubilee oil field in addition to all the tradition sources of revenue. Ghanaians were made to believe and it was true that the NDC had unprecedented revenue inflow than any government before it. With the help of the media, corruption and mismanagement were cited as the reasons why the NDC had to borrow such a colossal amount in less than a decade. The decision of the NDC to go to the IMF for what they called policy credibility was the last straw that broke the camel’s back, what it meant was that, the NDC admitted that the investor community had lost confidence in their ability to steer the affairs of Ghana’s economy. Especially after Dr Alhaji Mahamoud Bawumia had predicted that the trajectory of the economy was being driven towards the IMF and ultimately it landed there. It was therefore difficult to remove tag of incompetence ably posted on the NDC government with the help of civil society especially in the midst of corruption allegations leveled against some key members of the NDC government by the NPP and their media Cabal. From this amount the NDC build the cape coast stadium, Terminal three at the kotoka international airport, facelifted the Kumasi and Tamale International airports, the kejetia terminal, the sofoline interchange, circle and kasoa interchange, the ridge hospital the university of Ghana medical school, the sewua hospital, and a plethora of capital projects including sawla/fulfulso road, the cocoa roads and a major part of the eastern corridor road. The NPP in government has borrowed GhS 49bn in less than two years in office plus the three oil wells (TEN = Tweneboa, Enyira and Ntome) that has been added to the jubilee field in addition to all the traditional sources of revenue. The NPP has now displaced the NDC it displaced politically as the Government with unprecedented revenue stream in the history of this country called Ghana. But with this unprecedented revenue, they have also exhibited an unprecedented abysmal performance. Not only has their revenue been unprecedented, their borrowing has also been unprecedented within the spat of time they’ve been in office and with no single capital investment of their own to point to. The question on the minds of many a Ghanaian is what did they do with the money? If we described the NDC as incompetent, now there is not adjective to describe the NPP in government. The irony is that it is the NPP government that is seeking to borrow US$50bn from the Chinese in what they called the century bond, from their two years of flagrant display of legendary incompetence in government is there a doubt in the mind of anyone that it would be used for consumption? When nations are leaving infrastructure and wealth as legacy, the thinking in the governing NPP is about leaving a legacy of debt for the future Ghana. May be we need a National Cathedral after all to sing bobolibobo.

Friday, 15 December 2017

Petition Against the Creation of Additional Regions

From : Yakubu Musah Seidu (A private Citizen) To : THE CHAIRMAN, COMMISSION OF INQUIRY FOR THE CREATION OF NEW REGIONS Date : 14/12/2017 I Yakubu Musah Seidu a private citizen wish to petition your commission against the creation of additional regions in Ghana. Mr Chairman, while there may be some pockets of demand for the creation of new regions I believe that demand is not substantial and there is no real need for them and these are my reasons for stating so 1. The decentralization process that we are implementing in Ghana today does not see the region as a fulcrum of development, the region is seen as a way of de-concentration of the national Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs), One can call them outpost or annexes of the national MDAs. It has no policy making power, it is setup to coordinate and harmonize district level policy for the various national level MDAs. 2. The district level is the real fulcrum of development, it is the level of devolution, where decentralization in its true sense of the concept is played out. Section 4 (1) of the Local Government Act, 1993, Act 462, provides that “Each District Assembly shall be a body corporate with perpetual succession and a common seal and may sue and be sued in its own name”. Section 4 (2) states that: “A District Assembly shall have power for the discharge of any of its functions to acquire and hold movable or immovable property, to dispose of such property and to enter into any contract or other transaction”. The District Assembly (DA) is the policy making body with legislative and taxation powers. The DA has its power derived from Article 241 (3) of the Constitution which states that: “Subject to this Constitution, a District Assembly shall be the highest political authority in the district, and shall have deliberative, legislative and executive powers”. The regions have no such powers. 3. The law also made provision for the creation of the District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF), which we can call the national cake, this cake is distributed among districts not among regions. So if anybody wants to ensure that a particular area gets more of the national cake, she should be thinking of getting them more districts not regions which does not bring any "cake" home. 4. The creation of a region is not as straight forward as creating a district, it might have to go through difficult and expensive processes such as a referendum, only to create an entity that adds no real value to the lives of the people, except further deepening of the tribal and ethnic divide 5. The argument that having a region near you could bring development in not convincing to say the least because the proponents have not adduce even a single reason why that can spur development. There seem to be some underlying tribal currents for the call for additional regions, of course no one wants to live in "compound house". But at what cost? can we set a precedence of given people additional regions as and when they call for it? 6. The creation of additional regions would be an attempt to re-centralize government instead of deepening the decentralization process. If we deepen our decentralization process, the call for additional regions would become a mute, for example people would not need to travel from the districts to acquire passports and other services because those services would be readily available in the districts. 7. The resources that would be expended to put up the infrastructure and to staff the additional regional capitals could be better applied else where. Students are dying in our schools of diseases emanating from overcrowding because we do not have the resources to decongest our schools, and in another breath we are contemplating spend money we do not have to create additional bureaucracy that adds no additional value to our socio-economic development. For these reasons, Mr Chairman I hope it is clear that there is no need for the creation of additional districts at this time in our national life. I am grateful for the opportunity to send this petition. sgn Yakubu Musah Seidu (0201616123) yakubumusah31@gmail.com

Monday, 16 January 2017

CREATION OF NEW REGIONS IS PUTTING PLASTER ON A DIRTY WOUND

I am amazed at how a flight of thought on a political platform suddenly metamorphosed into a policy decision in Ghana without it being subjected to any policy analysis, while those who knows better sits in silence (Make us cherish fearless honesty). One such policy is the reorganisation of regions promised by the two major political parties during the 2016 electioneering campaigns. The NPP promised to split the western region into two ostensibly because some chiefs complained that it takes them 7-8 hours to travel to the regional capital Secondi. Not to be outdone the NDC promised to create 5 additional regions. The NPP won the election and have started putting in place measures to create those additional region(s). This is a good approach if the solution to the problem were to be well thought out, which in this case is not. The reason why it takes 7-8 hours to travel to the regional capital is not a fact of distance it is a matter of very bad roads and the western region have so many of such roads. The northern region with equally bad roads is the largest region in terms of land area but with good roads one could traverse the region from Bole to Bunkpurugu in five hours or less. Now let me explain why the creation of additional regions is a bad idea which the policy analysis process would have weeded out had it been subjected to it. 1. The decentralization process that we are implementing in Ghana today does not see the region as a fulcrum of development, the region is seen as a way of de-concentration of the national Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs), you can call them outpost or annexes of the national MDAs. It has no policy making power, it is setup to coordinate and harmonize district level policy for the various national level MDAs. 2. The district level is the real fulcrum of development, it is the level of devolution, where decentralization in its true sense of the concept is played out. Section 4 (1) of the Local Government Act, 1993, Act 462, provides that “Each District Assembly shall be a body corporate with perpetual succession and a common seal and may sue and be sued in its own name”. Section 4 (2) states that: “A District Assembly shall have power for the discharge of any of its functions to acquire and hold movable or immovable property, to dispose of such property and to enter into any contract or other transaction”. The District Assembly (DA) is the policy making body with legislative and taxation powers. The DA has its power derived from Article 241 (3) of the Constitution which states that: “Subject to this Constitution, a District Assembly shall be the highest political authority in the district, and shall have deliberative, legislative and executive powers”. The regions have no such powers. 3. The law also made provision for the creation of the District Assemblies Common Fund (DACF), which we can call the national cake, this cake is distributed among districts not among regions. So if anybody wants to ensure that a particular area gets more of the national cake, he should be thinking of getting them more districts not regions which does not bring any cake home. 4. The creation of a region is not as straight forward as creating a district, it might have to go through difficult and expensive processes such as a referendum, only to create an entity that adds no real value to the lives of the people, except further deepening of the tribal and ethnic divide 5. Had it been established that the people working at the Regional Coordinating Councils (RCCs) are overwhelmed with their work load, we might consider additional regions, even with that we could expand the existing RCCs. The creation of additional region(s) looks to me like putting plaster on a dirty wound, it does not bring any healing (Development) to the injured (Electorates), it could actually mask the real problem from a good solution. In this country if an institution is not efficient we don’t find out why, we only add to it only for the new creation to suffer the same bottle necks. My view is that let’s subject the creation of new regions to simple cost effectiveness and efficiency analysis and made same public before embarking on this project. Parliament as it is currently constituted might not be able to block the appointment of the designated minister because both sides made the promise to increase the number of regions.

Saturday, 17 December 2016

Why NDC Lost Part 1

Why the NDC lost the Election. Since the declaration of the 2016 election results, I have heard so many arguments about why the sitting president and the ruling government lost the election. Now I will explain why the NDC was trounced at the pools. The meat of the problem is the Economy, Yes the economy. It doesn’t lie, the party embarked on this massive infrastructure which is good except that it was financed with debt. With our external debt pilling up we had to run to the IMF which imposed their favorite tool on us, austerity – increase revenue through tax and other means, full cost recovery for public utilities, reduce spending including freeze on public sector employment etc. Government was also borrowing locally through the issuance of treasury bills and banks were rather comfortable with the T-Bill rate they were not interested in taking any risk by lending to businesses except to those sectors that could turn such loans around quickly unfortunately these sectors are the import sectors. So things that could have been produced locally end up being imported. So very few jobs were created if any at all. In an attempt to reduce expenditure, promoted nurses and teachers were not being paid their due, if it finally comes mostly after one year, they are paid three months. Plus, the freeze on employment of newly trained nurses and teachers. To cap it the government decided to abolish the allowances paid to trainee teachers and nurses. Some of these students settled for these institutions because they assumed that employment is guaranteed for them after competition. So if you are a student in these institutions, you are denied your allowance and you chance of getting employment after completing is reducing by the day, so if someone comes promising to restore your allowance and ensure employment for you, what would you do? The NDC lost that constituency plus their parents and siblings. Hundreds of thousands of young professionals are being churned out of both the public and private institutions with no job openings to absorb them. These are people with high hopes. Businesses were being overtaxed in addition to their inability to get affordable credit, there was no way they could grow and create jobs. Throw in the high profile corruption scandals such as the bus branding, Woyome, GYEEDA SADA which the NPP hyped as much as they could and you have a fertile ground for the NPP to plant their change message. In addition to all these the party decided to run a flamboyant campaign which rather angered most of the youth. Of course with only one message which is the infrastructure, it was more convenient to spend more money to propagate their message which they had very little to begin with. It was therefore not surprising that the second defacto message then became the attack on the NPP’s candidate. Running an economy is balancing game more like dealing with a hydra headed monster, if you focus on one you will be killed by the others and that is what happened to the NDC. I will pause hear, but I would be back to explain why the NPP did not win but rather it was the NDC that lost, watch out.

Tuesday, 29 November 2016

The Ghana Heritage Fund; Hurting the future with good intentions

It has been six years since Ghana started commercial production of crude oil, in the run-up to commencement of production a lot of preparations were made including the enactment of the relevant legislation to ensure prudent management of the resource. To avoid the pitfall that have befallen other countries that have found the “black gold”, the Petroleum Revenue Management Act 2011 (Act 815) was promulgated. Act 815 adopted the Norwegian model which splits petroleum revenues into pools with substantial parts invested offshore. In Ghana Act 815 established the petroleum holding fund into which all revenue from the resource are lodged. This funds are then allocated to three main accounts based on a formula to be determined by parliament, these accounts are the budget, heritage and stabilization funds. Act 815 was designed to remove those pitfalls associated with the commercial oil production in other countries. These pitfalls include the Dutch disease, inflation (overheating of the economy), increased risk of corruption and investment into projects with low economic returns. According to a Bank of Ghana (BoG) semiannual report for Jan-Jun 2016, the total revenue that have accrued to the country is US $3,285,248,838.84 out of which 43.22% (US$1,420,140,861.30) have been allocated to the Annual Budget Funding Amount (ABFA), 30.18% (US$991,575,834.69) have been allocated to GNPC the whiles 18.81%(US$617,816,104.68) was disbursed to the Ghana Stabilization fund (GSF) and a paltry 7.78% (US$255,716038.17) was disbursed to the heritage fund. The Heritage fund which is to ensure inter generational equity in the benefits of the finite resource and the GSF are supposed to be saved offshore. These are to ensure a steady flow of dollars into the economy to prevent the cedi from becoming too strong and hurting the country’s exports of other commodities. It will also allow the smoothing of expenditure across the business cycle. For all intent and purposes, this should have been a good law but in reality it is not and I will explain why. During the first half year of 2015 the yield on the heritage and the stabilization funds were -0.54% and 0.33% respectively and 0.74% and -0.01% for the second half year of 2015. This means that Ghana was paying the fund managers for keeping the heritage fund in the first half year of 2015 and the stabilization fund for the second half year of 2015. In 2016 the yield was somehow better it was 4.93% and 0.33% for the heritage fund and the stabilization fund respectively for the first half year https://www.bog.gov.gh/privatecontent/Public_Notices/Semi%20Annual%20Report%201st%20half%202016%20FinalV1.1.pdf What makes it bizarre is the fact that whiles we were paying the fund managers for keeping our fund in 2015, the very same government was borrowing by issuing sovereign bonds at a coupon rate of 10.75%. Does it really make sense to put the heritage and stabilization fund outside the economy knowing very well its potential impact on the local currency which is declining? Again in 2016 the government have issued another sovereign bond at a coupon rate of 9.25% for another 750 million USD. http://citifmonline.com/2016/09/08/ghana-issues-fifth-eurobond-at-9-25/ The rationale behind Act 815 was to prevent Politicians from pursuing their short term political interest at the expense of the long term development needs of the country by preventing disruptions in the business cycle and the economy as well as ensuring inter generational equity such that future generations after the resource have been depleted would also have their fair share of the resource. The question now is with the rate at which government is borrowing would these objective be achieved? The very generations we are paying fund managers to keep the money for are the same generations we are busily accruing loans for them to come and pay. To add salt to injury we are accruing more debt and at steep interest rate than we are saving for them. This defeat all forms of logic and common sense. Unless we are able to enact a law that puts a ceiling on government borrowings, the very mischief Act 815 was enacted to cure will be our lot.

Saturday, 16 August 2014

IS SADA SLIDING AGAIN

SADA the Savanna Accelerated development Authority was set up to help bridge the the economic gap between the South of Ghana and the North (Savanna région). Less than two years into its operation, it was riddled with corruption, ineptitude and recklessness all in gargantuan proportions. These were serialised by joyfm's Manesseh Awuni as the Sad SADA Saga. The huge embarassment led to the chief exécutive been fired and the Whole setup bein reorganised.
SADA is yet to demostrate to Ghanaians that valuable lessons have been learned from its chequred short history.
Some few months a go SADA was in The news again This time it is investing in energy sector. That in itself is not a bad idea, but is that the most pressing need at the Moment and how many people will be taking out of poverty with that Project.
It does appear to me that either the SADA authorities have no clue about what they are supposed to or they are deliberately being reckless with the tax payers money.
Common sense demands that they find out why there is an economic gap between the SADA Zone and the south in The first place before they think about what can be done to bridge that Gap.
There are several reasons for the widening economic gap between the two climatic zones.
the major ones are colonialism, resources endowment ans climate, yes climate. The colonial powers only wanted the north to ne source of cheap labour for extracting the resources in the south for Export. There was therefore no need to build infrastructure there or to educate the people. After independence attempts habe been made by some government to bridge the gap especially on The educational front secondary schools and Training colleges under Dr Nkrumah and The UDS under Flt Lt Rawlings. But economic structure of the country has not changed that much so the infrastructure gap is still glaring. For example there is no Single industry that employs More than 500 people in The SADA region.
Climate is a factor because as one moves from the Burkinafaso border towards the south, the level of poverty also reduces as the level of rainfall increases. This is so because the rainy months reduces from year round in western south to a little over four months in The upper east Region. How does any one expect farmers to survive the whole year on five months productivitie?
The number of people who are reliant on farming for their livelihood is also very high in The SADA Region. This is understandable becuase the Region has very little alternative livelihood opportunities outside farming.

With This background I was expecting that the first projects that SADA will be undertaking will be the construction of dams, which will enable farmers in The SADA region to be able to produce a little More into the year. This is an effective and quick Way of reducing poverty on a large scale sustainable Basis. Is not surprising that Ghana is importing tomatoes ans other vegetables from Burkinafaso which is even further north? What is that they are getting right that we are getting wrong? The answer is not far,Dams, yes dams,they recognised they have water Problem so they have build a lot of dams that are used dort irrigation during the dry season. I am surprised this common sense eluded the authorities at SADA.
The next expected area of intervention by SADA, would have been The construction of feeder roads to bring The little that is produced into The market. The area I building of factories for processing.

Saturday, 10 May 2014

Asiedu Nketia is right, Let us take a second look at the heritage fund


Some days ago the General Secretary of the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) Mr Johnson Asiedu Nketia suggested that considering the hardships that Ghana’s economy is facing, we should consider using the money from our petroleum revenue that has been lodged in the heritage fund to solve our problems. As would be expected the rented press of the opposition descended rather heavily on him with headings such as “let’s blow heritage cash- Asiedu Nketia”, “let’s chop heritage money General Mosquito”.
The heritage fund, a creature of the petroleum management act 2010, is for all intent and purposes a good law as it is intended to ensure intergeneration equity and as a preventive measure against the Dutch disease. But a good law is just like a dangerous weapon, what it will be used for good or bad depends who is wielding it.
Ghana’s petroleum management Act 2010 is fashioned in a way that is supposed to conform to international best practices as is the case in Norway. Norway one of the most developed countries in Europe has a population of 5m and a GDP of 282 billion in 2012, the third largest exporter of natural gas. Norway was one of the few countries that recorded positive growth between 2010 and 2012 when most of Europe were in a recession, Norway has  one of the lowest unemployment rate in the world (3%), Literacy rate is 100%, GDP per capita is 56,000, ranked 9th in the world.
Ghana has a GDP of 98 billion a population that is five times that of Norway, with literacy rate of 71%, and GDP per capita $3,700 (Each Norwegian earns 15 times more than what his counterpart in Ghana earns). Ghana’s economy is completely different from that of the Norwegian Economy. So right from the word go importing a law that has served the Norwegians well (international Best practise) might not be best practice for Ghana.
Again Norway discovered oil in the 60s when they already had a relatively developed infrastructure and a full blown industrial sector, these are non-existing in Ghana.  Also Norway owns about 60% of all their petroleum resources, how much does Ghana own? Here we are taking about 60% of a much bigger resource, this gives the Norwegians much space to do so many things that Ghana with our negligible petrol resource that is spread over a five times bigger population cannot do.
I stand to be corrected, the heritage fund have been invested abroad and is earning us 1% interest per annum which is less the average inflation in Europe which is 2%, so technically were are paying for our heritage fund to be managed, while our government borrows at an average rate of 8%. This leaves one to wonder whether our decision makers have their heads properly screwed on. In one breath we are saving to secure the future of generations unborn and in another we are borrowing at 8 time’s higher interest rate for them to pay. Why can’t we invest these funds locally to create jobs for the youth like this writer whose future we are pretending to secure with this fund. It could also be another anchor to stabilise the cedi that seem about to summersault.  Why can’t we spend this fund on developing some selected sectors that we have comparative advantage in?
The main argument for the heritage fund I am told is that the politician is short sighted and might squander all the resources and future generations will then suffer. Which I agree but the fact is that future generations are even going to suffer more judging by the rate at which we are rushing for loans left right and centre.
Putting one set of money beyond the reach of politician while allowing him full access to another is a little bit foolish. As we say it in twi “Sika bi Nkyen sika bi” (money is money). After passing the Petroleum Management Act, parliament should have gone further to tie the hands of the politician (should I say his legs) by putting a ceiling on how much they can borrow over a period of time taking into account how much is accumulating in the Heritage fund. That is the only way we can really ensure intergenerational equity in the use of our natural resources.
The Norwegians did not invest abroad right from the word go as we are doing, they invested in infrastructure, health and education before venturing abroad. Today 2% of all investment in Europe is financed from the Norwegian petrol fund. Norway’s system of managing petroleum revenue has been adjudge the international best practice because they learned from what happened to the Netherlands and other countries that stroke oil before them and we have Norway and all the others to learn from
He who have eyes to see let him see, she who have ears to hear let her hear.

Yakubu Musah

Tamale

Single Spine is the Problem

Running an economy is a balancing act so any injection must ensure that the system have enough room to accommodate it or an outlet have been created for it. When salaries and wages rise faster than productivity, inflation is the natural consequence. As workers get more money than they are producing as happened in spain, italy, portugal etc. On the other hand when productivity rises faster than salaries and wages, stagflation is the result. As workers cannot buy what the produce as happened to germany. Except in they case of germany what cannot be bought was exported. Ghana and Germany are sitting on opposite ends of the economic spectrum. The Single Spine Salary Structure (SSS) in Ghana has doubled and in some cases tripled the salary of some public sector workers without commensurate increase in productivity. At The same time The government embarked on massive expenditures mostly for political reasons which pushed even more money into The economy. While the germans were exporting their surplus, Ghana was/is importing to make up for the rising demand occassioned by the steep rises in incomes(disposable income) Just at the same time that our imports surged the prices of our major exports mainly cocoa and gold went down. So More dollars (foreign currency) were flowing out than flowing in. As if that was not bad enough ghana's economy was rebased making us a middle income country overnight, therefore other grants from development partners that could have helped also dried up overnight. Also 8 months of litigation over presidency, The GEEDA and Woyome saga's have not given The donor Community the confidence they needed. With fewer and fewer dollars remaining in ghana the price of the dollar will also keep rising as a result of higher and higher demand and lower and lower supply. The turbulences that the ghanaian economy is facing is therefore to a larger extent self inflicted. From where I sit it is more political than economic. And both the NDC and NPP are guilty considering the fact that both sides used the SSS for political gains. Although some other factors have been mentioned here as contributing to the imbalance in the ghanaian economy namely other government expenditure, lower commodity prices, lower inflow of grants, the SSS is the most important straw the broke the camels back. Having diagnosed The Problem I will offer my treatment. Which is rollback of the SSS. I know This politically not feasible. But it is the only quick and fast remedy to the Problem. There are several ways of treating tumors, prayer, drugs etc but the most effective means is the surgical removal and it is also the most painful. A word to the wise is enough.

Tuesday, 15 October 2013

Kuffour is the Worst leader in Ghana’s History
Rev. Titi Offei once said “Leadership is cause all others is the effect”, Leadership has been described as “a process of social influence in which one person can enlist the aid and support of others in the accomplishment of a common task. Leadership is therefore very vital in any social sting because it mobilizes the energies of the people and channels them towards the desired impact. How successful a leader is, mostly depends on his charisma and ability to tap into the hopes, fears and aspirations of the people he/she is leading but most importantly timing. The issue of timing also comes with how lucky the leader is. Most wartime leaders become instant heroes just because of they happen to be in the positions at the most opportune time.
Ghana have had three main defining moments (times) when the hopes and aspirations were so high that the people were ready to endure just anything in the hope that the Ghanaian dream will be a reality. The first one was the period immediately after independence. I was not born but I could imagine how the people felt at that time, having your own people managing your own affairs for the first time under a nation state called Ghana and with a charismatic leader, there was no reason to believe the Ghana dream will not be realised. From all indications it seems Nkrumah was on track until his government was truncated, because everything that we can boast of as Ghanaians even up till today was done in his era. I must admit that on hind sight, he was leading us on a path of socialism, that have latter been found to be wrong, but with Soviet Union becoming a super power in just a few decades, there was no reason to believe it was the wrong path at that time.  Besides it would have laid a solid foundation for an economic take-off if his government was not truncated. Capitalism thrives on capital, where there are no capitalist or capital, that state needs to intervene to drive the economy in the desired direction and that was what Nkrumah sought to do. The import substitution industrialisation he adopted has been later used by all the emerging economies today at some point, South Korea, China, India and Brazil. Even the developed countries including the United States, Germany and France used that strategy at a point in their history. In short the 1966 coup destroyed the boat that would have taken Ghanaians to the Promised Land.
The second defining moment was the period after the 1979 revolution, after all the rots and decay that followed the decades after the overthrow of Dr Nkrumah, Ghanaians had another chance to break away from the past and to construct another boat that will take them to the promised land. The cooperation of the people surged to an unprecedented levels knowing that their destiny is back in their own hands. Unfortunately, the revolutionist had no plan on how to do that. All they had was their good intention which was woefully inadequate to deal with the dreams and aspirations of the people. By the time they were able to put up something they can call a plan the high hopes of the people had already fizzled out. The enthusiasm and cooperation of the people was no longer there, these are the events that led to the “kume preko” and other demonstrations.
The third defining moment was the period after the 2000 elections, I still remember the feelings back then, I was in KNUST. Fuel prices were doubled twice in less than a year and no single soul hit the streets, because we all believed that we needed to swallow bitter pills so that the ailment of the Ghanaian economy could be healed. We were taking through the painful surgery called HIPC with its harsh conditionality’s and we endured it hoping that the economy of Ghana will soon be back on track. Not only were the people of Ghana so enduring at that time, the international community particularly the western countries saw so much hope in Ghana after a smooth transition from ruling government to the opposition. They were ready and willing to support us to make a case that democracy is indeed the only way to go. The timing was just what any leader will wish for to be a hero, there could possibly be no better opportunity for a leader than that time.
All these expectations, dream and aspirations fell on one man J. A. Kuffour to manage and to direct them towards the desired results, guess what? He screwed it. During his era the few state owned enterprises that were not sold under that structural adjustment programme were sold including Ghana telecom, Ghana airways and all prime government lands in Accra and Kumasi. Corruption was state managed and directed from the castle. To add salt to injury, he declared in Cape Coast the any Ghanaian who is not rich under his government is lazy and proceeded to award himself with expensive medals.
These attitudes have created so much distrust of the people for government culminating in our lackadaisical attitude towards anything belonging to the state. Not only did he fail to deliver as a leader, he has also succeeded in making it more difficult for others that will follow in the near future.  It is based on these that I will rate him as the worst leader in Ghana’s history. Because he failed woefully to use the opportunity presented to him by time.  I don’t blame him when he keeps blowing his own trumpet, because if he doesn’t no one will. He probably thinks that he had done a great job, in that case he is alone in his thinking.